LessThanExpert

May 31, 2007

First Reaction: Fred Thompson on the Middle East

Filed under: Uncategorized — lessthanexpert @ 2:00 pm

Fred Thompson’s exploratory committee and likely Presidential run has spurred a great deal of discussion, indeed excitement, among media pundits and the Republican grassroots.  Conservative Republicans have been up in arms since the campaign began.  They question the conservative credentials of Mitt Romney and lament the colorlessness of much of the conservative crowd, Kansas Sen. Brownback and former Virginia Gov. Jim Gilmore did not really separate themselves from the pack.  While Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee is generally conservative, he does not espouse the muscular, confident conservatism of a Ronald Reagan or a first-term George W. Bush.  Thompson gives many conservative voters a shot in the arm because of his immediate name and face recognition, his supposed “actor’s ability” to appeal to people and his folksy, populist touch.  In the first of what I hope will be many analyses of frontrunners’ Mideast positions, I scoured the internet for Thompson’s public statements about Iraq and the wider Middle East.

 

The first thing that jumped out at me – and something that no doubt is on the minds of conservative Republican strategists – is that Thompson would rather talk about other things.  Many Republican insiders have been saying that the party’s best strategy is going to be to change the discussion from the Administration’s Iraq problems to areas where they are more likely to have an edge on Democrats: taxes, spending and values.  To that end, Thompson’s main thrusts have been a kind of folksy populist traditional values position, that sounds less like Jerry Fallwell and more like a conservative version of The News from Lake Woebegon and a call for small government and low taxes.  However, Thompson has made enough public statements and penned enough articles to allow something to take shape.

Sen. Thompson tends to steer clear of the more difficult issues, preferring to linger on ’safe’ topics.  He assailed the Iranian government’s bizarre assertion that the action film The 300 was psychological warfare against the Iranian people, lamented the treatment of women in the Middle East and attacked a trend – much reported in conservative media – of British schools abandoning teaching of The Holocaust and Crusades because some Muslims children’s parents objected.  Few people would argue against the Senator’s contention that the Holocaust is an historical fact, The 300 was probably not written by the CIA and radical Islam is not nice for women.

 Thompson’s biggest concern, that which he spends the most time writing about, is Iran.  He tends to talk more about Iran than Iraq.  Again from a political standpoint this might not be the worst idea, a muscular approach to Iran appears to go down well with voters.  Thompson has referred to Hizballah as Iran’s puppets, denounced the West’s response to the kidnapping of British sailors by the Iranian navy this winter and has called for more muscular action against the Iranian nuclear program.  He seems to think of Iran as the largest threat to Middle East security over the long-term, an argument that is not without its supporters and believes that as many as four Middle East states are in a position to ‘go nuclear’ should the Iranians complete their nuclear project.  He has fallen short, however, of calling for military action, preferring at this point the “Iran will fall by its own weight” approach and backing a Radio Free Europe-type broadcast program into Iran combined with support for Iranian civil society.

 On Iraq, Thompson has been a less-than-vocal supporter of the Administration’s “Surge” strategy and sometimes sounds like New York Times and NewsHour analyst David Brooks in his rather disappointed and sad feeling on the war.  In mid-March he told Wall Street Journal writer John Fund that the U.S. is “left with nothing but bad choices” but that the “worst choice” would be to withdraw from Iraq, which would “prove Osama Bin Laden right” that Americans were unable to stomach difficult struggles.  He also sees Iraqi through the prism of Iran, arguing that withdrawal from Iraq would reduce American leverage on the Islamic Republic according to New York Times blogger Sarah Wheaton.  This is not without its supporters either.  He also argues, without a citation, that the U.S. invasion of Iraq has improved the condition of Iraqi women and decreased infant mortality rates.  There is evidence to this effect about Afghanistan, which he also cites.  I have not seen similar evidence for Iraq, though that does not mean it does not exist.   

 It is a bit early to flesh out the Senator’s positions on the Middle East.  Much of what I culled from a Google search or two is pablem for the talk radio/editorial crowd: simplistic and sentimental, not without a grain of truth but made for public consumption, the Left produces the same kind of stuff.  Still, there are some things to be concerned about and some things to be less concerned about.

For all of Thompson’s bluster, it seems he would not support some kind of massive military assault on Iran, unlike some conservative pundits like Normal Podhoretz or the Weekly Standard, who have come out for a warlike response.  Thompson seems more inspired by the Ronald Reagan-USSR example. 

 That said, Thompson’s call to support Civil Society in Iran monetarily and to perform RFE-style broadcasts into the country is not without its critics.  The Iranian democracy movement is divided over the effectiveness of U.S. aid, with most Iranians arguing that it hurts more than it helps by identifying pro-democracy organizations with the United States and, by extension, “regime change.”

 Second, Thompson is pro-Israel and supports Israeli military action in the West Bank and Gaza.  He saw fit to chalk up most Middle Eastern hostility toward Israel and the West to the fact that the Holocaust is not taught in schools.  While this is problematic, any effort to promote peace in the wider Middle East needs to recognize the complex causes of Israel-Palestine.  He is supportive of Israeli military responses to Hamas and Hizballah, not exactly a controversial position.  He argues, too, that Iranian nuclear developments will alter the balance of power and prevent Israel from protecting itself while simultaneoulsy challenging Israel’s existence.

Thompson does use the term “Islamo-fascism,” which is something of a Right shibboleth.  Some argue that the term adequate captures the ‘enemy we are fighting’ – not Muslims but totalitarians who use Islam to legitimize their aspirations.  Others argue that, like “homicide-bombing” it is a term that is designed to inflame and, sociologically, to separate those who are “in” from those who are “out” (e.g., “First of all I don’t want to talk to somebody who doesn’t recognize that it’s not a ’suicide-bombing’ it’s a ‘homicide-bombing.’”) 

Unlike President Bush, Thompson remains strongly critical of the Saudi government.  Most administrations – Democrat and Republican – have relied on the Saudis as a pillar of Middle Eastern policy.  Thompson, however, criticizes their Islamist government and their attitude toward women. 

 Most of this is fairly standard stuff for the talk-radio crowd.  What I found interesting, however, was the Senator’s grouping of Iraq in with, for example, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan as areas where awful practices like ‘honor killing’ (I believe that is actually a pre-Islamic custom but I could be wrong on that) and the Taliban.  In a recent posting on the conservative blog Townhall.com, he writes of “horrors of life for millions of women in pre-liberation Iraq” such as “endemic beatings, honor killings and forced marriages of women.”  Yet while tribal practices like honor killing and the repression of women through rigorous adherence to Sharia certainly took place in Iraq, its explosion has been a post-Saddam phenomenon.  The leftist Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom’s PeaceWomen posted a 2005 report from the Institute for War and Peace Reporting to this effect.  This is a common argument from people with little knowledge about the Middle East who believe that all Middle Eastern or Islamic countries share common interpretations of religion and religious law and oppress women through ‘orthodox’ Islamist practice.

It is fair to say, I think, that Senator Thompson needs to take a crash-course in Middle Eastern politics and history and flesh out the details on issues like Iran, Israel-Palestine and Iraq.  His positions today appear to be a collection of emotional impulses, not a coherent strategy for the region.

Iran: Budging or Not on Its Nuclear Program?

Filed under: Uncategorized — lessthanexpert @ 12:42 am

Iran’s FM Ali Larjani announced today that Iran was ready to address Western concerns about weapons proliferation, provided those concerns were “not a pretext” according to Iran Daily and again rejected the suspension of uranium enrichment as a precondition for entering into talks with the West.  He appears to have seized on the statements of IAEA Director Mohammad al-Baradei – statements that got the the U.S. pretty steamed – to try to throw a monkey wrench into the increasingly united, and frustrated, EU3 plus USA.  The Iranians are probably testing the waters to see how Nicholas Sarkozy will respond, and how the rest of the EU will respond to him.  Is it an opening?  Or is it another attempt to drive a wedge between the Europeans and the US?  Only time will tell, I guess.

 The Iran Daily article is linked here: http://www.iran-daily.com/1386/2857/html/

 And an interesting article from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy here: http://www.washingtoninstitute.org/templateC05.php?CID=2608

May 30, 2007

Israeli Officials Believe Syria is Serious About Negotiations

Filed under: Uncategorized — lessthanexpert @ 12:59 pm

This was posted on the Bilad Ash-sham blog (http://biladsham.blogspot.com)  from Reuters.  A successful conclusion to the Golan Heights issue would certainly be a feather in Bashar al-Asad’s cap and a bit way for Bashar to consolidate his hold on power and to bring Syria into the international community.  However, some pretty major questions remain: can Bashar bring the Syrian security establishment along?  Will peace with Israel create the political space that Sunni fundamentalists in Syria have been looking for?  Will Bashar be more prepared compromise that his father?  It does appear to be a bit of a ‘perfect storm.’  After the problems with Hizballah and questions about the Israeli government’s ability to deal with insurgency and the Muslim world, and the threat of Iran, the Israeli government is looking for a way to improve its position domestically and get some of the pressure off.

Israeli Officials Believe Syria is Serious about Resuming Peace Talks


(Reuters) There is a growing consensus within the Israeli government that Syria is serious about resuming negotiations with the Jewish state, Israeli officials involved in the assessment said on Saturday.

The officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, and a former Israeli diplomat who drafted an unofficial peace plan, said U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s recent meeting with the Syrian foreign minister may have opened the door for reviving the long-dormant Israeli-Syrian track.

But it was unclear whether Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert would respond positively to the public and private overtures from Syrian President Bashar Assad, the Israeli officials and the former diplomat, Alon Liel, told Reuters. Western diplomats say Olmert appeared to be receptive to the idea of Syrian talks, although officials in his office said the prime minister remained skeptical of Assad’s intentions.

“We lose sleep at night worrying that this may be a trap,” a senior Israeli official involved in the review said. With Israeli-Palestinian talks frozen and an offensive underway in Gaza, Olmert could benefit from any positive diplomatic movement on the northern border after a scathing report on his handling of last year’s war in Lebanon.

“There are too many signals that Assad wants to talk and many signals that he is interested in finalizing an agreement,” Liel said. “It’s irresponsible for a prime minister not to check these signals. If he checks and finds that Syria is not ready, he can come to the public and explain it. But if he does not check and we have a war, he will be personally responsible for the war.”

Hard Choices
Liel and a Syrian-American businessman worked on a blueprint for peace in talks from 2004-2006. War erupted between Israel and the Syrian-backed Lebanese group Hizbullah last July. Since then, Assad has voiced interest in resuming talks with Israel that stalled in 2000 over Damascus’s demand for a return of the occupied Golan Heights.

Syria has also hinted that it could resort to military force if it deems diplomacy a dead end. Olmert’s office declined to comment but an Israeli government official said earlier this week that the prime minister still sees the Syrian government “as not yet ready for the hard choices needed to make peace”.

Olmert has demanded that Syria cease supporting Hizbullah and Palestinian militant groups as a condition of resuming talks, and dismissed Syrian overtures as a bid to improve ties with the West. But in recent months, in coordination with Olmert’s office, Israel’s Foreign Ministry and intelligence agencies have conducted a review of Assad’s public and private messages. “We have reached the conclusion that they (the overtures) are serious. We think that he (Assad) is serious”, said a senior official involved in the inter-agency review.

The official said there was still considerable concern on the Israeli side that Damascus would try to use negotiations to divert attention away from Syria’s military build-up. “We don’t have any concrete evidence that this is not a trap to paralyze Israel’s ability to counter Syria’s military build-up. But we don’t have any concrete evidence that it is a trap.” Israeli officials said the conclusions of the inter-agency review have been discussed at the highest levels of government, but Olmert has yet to make clear where he stands. “So if there is a change, it is in Olmert’s mind himself and this is very important. He is the key person here,” Liel said.

New Afghanistan Reports

Filed under: Uncategorized — lessthanexpert @ 12:46 pm

Two new-ish reports on Afghanistan.  The first, a two-pager from the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C., is a gloomy one indeed.  Steve Ross of CSIS’s Post-Conflict Reconstruction Unit write that reconstruction in Afghanistan is imperiled by rising violence and civilian casualties, confidence in the Afghan government is eroding and communities are not being mobilized by ISAF and the United Nations.

 http://www.csis.org/media/csis/pubs/070523_sr_v2n18-final.pdf

 Another report comes from the British American Security Information Council, although it paints a slightly better portrait of the situation, arguing, for example, that casualty increases can be expected as ISAF attempts to extend its control southward, it repeats much of the same with more detail.

 http://www.basicint.org/europe/NATO/afghanistan.pdf

Iraq: Where do We Go From Here?

Filed under: Uncategorized — lessthanexpert @ 12:39 pm


Iraq: Where do We Go From Here?

It is a rare thing indeed for a U.S. news magazine to go through an issue without devoting an article to
Iraq.  It is an even rarer thing for these articles to be any more than fluff pieces.  There were two notable exceptions this week in the rival magazines of the American political spectrum, the conservative National Review and the liberal New Republic. 

 

The National Review featured an article by Bing West, a former Marine and former Undersecretary of Defense who has written several books following Marines and soldiers in
Iraq.  The
New
Republic ran an article from Kenneth Pollack, a Senior Fellow from the Brookings Institution’s

Saban
Center on Middle East Policy.  The two articles illustrate the depth of the problem facing the US effort in
Iraq.

 

West argues, the goal of Coalition strategy should be to peel away reconcilable elements of the Iraqi militias and insurgent groups and reduce these groups to a more-or-less politically isolated core of fanatics on either side.  This is what is meant by the term ‘acceptable levels of violence,’ a situation in which violence continues to be a problem but the basic tenability of the government in
Baghdad is assured.  Al Qaeda in Iraq and the Mahdi Army may not be reduced to the Weather Underground or the Angry Brigade, but they may be reduced to the level of ETA or the Corsican nationalists: politically isolated and more-or-less unable to achieve their goals through their means.

 

Yet Pollack illuminates a point that has often been ignored in public discussions of
Iraq: development.  Both the Bush Administration and the Maliki government have argued that economic and social development is essential to winning over the reconcilables.  Despite the Bush Administration’s announcements last year that new Provincial Reconstruction Teams and Embedded Reconstruction Teams (PRTs and ERTs), the number of functioning PRTs is woefully inadequate to the task at hand, they are underfunded and often State Department officials (the PRTs are generally part of the State Department’s USAID) lack planning and expertise or a clear mission or chain of command and are often hampered by unrealistic rules (I remember a book Revolt on the Tigris written by a British aid to the Bremer Proconsulship in which the protagonist was restricted to his compound by State Department rules on travel safety).  Pollack recommends an expansion of funding and the inclusion of the United Nations to bring expertise and money to bare on the problem.

 

What Pollack does not mention, however, is that there has been almost no money coming into
Iraq for civil development projects since 2004.  The Bush Administration turned off the spigot for Iraqi civil development funds in an effort to trim the costs of the War in the run-up to the 2004 elections.  The Democrats, who have made much of the cost of the war in their public statements, are understandably reluctant to call for the Administration to spend more money on the War.  The only money spent on
Iraq is project-by-project or from Commanders’ discretionary funds or private oil investments.

 

Similarly, West ignores the fact that laws seen as ‘essential’ by the Bush Administration, such as the hydrocarbon deal, are in fact getting increasing opposition throughout the Arab world and in
Iraq.  Lawmakers in the United States, such as Presidential candidate Dennis Kucinich who has some influence with hard-left anti-war crowd is arguing that the law is in effect theft of Iraqi oil by US multinationals, an argument echoed in Al Ahram Weekly last week.  In a conflict driven by sectarianism, Sunnis may view a hydrocarbon law as theft, Shias as an unwelcoming dimunition of their hardwon gains.

As the Iraqi government becomes increasingly week on top, their time for meaningfully contributing to creating some kind of intercommunal peace in
Iraq is fast coming to an end.  If the hydrocarbon law is passed in four months, it will be too late. 

 

Ultimately resources may determine the course of the war.  Pollack argues that Tal Afar, where the Administration hyped a hard-fought victory, has degenerated substantially because social and economic development did not follow on the heels of the Coalition’s victory.  Similarly, in
Anbar
Province, where the War in
Iraq has recently taken a turn for the better, local residents insist that the departure of the Marines would allow al Qaeda to reoccupy the territory and rout the police.

 

The most frightening thing between the lines in both articles is the news that, four years after the invasion, the Bush Administration is repeating the same problems again, this time with aid.  The Administration has always waged two wars, a military war in
Iraq and a political war at home.  The former has been fought with an often surprising patience and a willingness to accept that the conflict will require time and experimentation on the ground – glaring mistakes have been made and have been examined repeatedly.  The political war at home has been characterized by a continuing search for a ’silver bullet’: the Interim Government, the first elections, the second elections and now the hydrocarbon law and an unwillingness to commit the necessary resources early on.  Bush’s own unwillingness to take responsibility for the direction of the war has in the past infected the entire warfighting machine of the
U.S. military, leading to fragmentation and a total lack of strategy.  Today, that appears to be repeating itself.  Finally, the Administration’s unwillingness to plan ahead means that hard won gains like those in Tal Afar, the reduction of violence in Baghdad and the turning around the Anbar tribes can be easily lost.

Fatah al-Islam and Syria: For and Against

Filed under: Uncategorized — lessthanexpert @ 12:38 pm

For those of you who may be a bit confused about the fighting in the Tripoli, Lebanon Palestinian refugee camps in the last couple of weeks, a brief collection of the arguments for an against Syrian involvement with the new-ish al-Qaeda linked Fatah al-Islam.  There’s more information at Josh Landis’ Syria Comment (http://joshualandis.com/blog/?s=Fatah+al+Islam). 

 

LessThanExpert 

Arguments in favor of Syrian support for Fatah al-Islam: (1) Syria is looking for a more pliable client who will cause chaos in Lebanon when Hizbullah is more concerned about fighting Israel and pursuing political power. (2) Syrians are trying to satisfy emerging Sunni Islamist elements with social and political power, this is a way to do that. (3) Elements within the Syrian government, perhaps without Bashar’s support, are supporting Fatah al-Islam.

 

Arguments against: (1) Why would
Syria risk further international opprobrium by supporting a group, like Fatah al-Islam, that has little prospect of achieving broad support or making profitable links with other political organizations.  Party of Hizbullah’s appeal was their ability to make cross-communal political ties. (2)
Syria’s gambit risks angering their Iranian allies, the senior partner in the Iran-Syria coalition.  Al Qaeda’s program is virulently anti-Shia.  (3) Supporting Fatah al-Islam puts a wedge between Syria and both major militant groups in the West Bank and Gaza, neither Fatah/PLO nor Hamas support an al-Qaeda presence in the

Occupied
Territories.  (4) Bashar appeared able to mobilize the security and other forces to crack down on the ‘Damascus Spring.’  If there are aggressive factions in
Damascus, why do we not see more evidence of it?

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